RECONSTRUCTION     PAMPHLET 


^ 


No.    1  January.    1919 

SOCIAL 
RECONSTRUCTION 

A  GENERAL  REVIEW  OF  THE  PROBLEMS 
AND  SURVEY  OF  REMEDIES 


THE   COMMITTEE   ON   SPECIAL   WAR   ACTIVITIES 
NATIONAL  CATHOLIC  WAR  COUNCIL 
^^        930  FOURTEENTH  ST..  N.  W. 


WASHINGTON.  D.  C. 


FOREWORD 

The  ending  of  the  Great  War  has  brought  peace. 
But  the  only  safeguard  of  peace  is  social  justice  and 
a  contented  people.  The  deep  unrest  so  emphatic- 
ally and  so  widely  voiced  throughout  the  world  is 
the  most  serious  menace  to  the  future  peace  of 
every  nation  and  of  the  entire  world.  Great  prob- 
lems face  us.  They  cannot  be  put  aside ;  they  must 
be  met  and  solved  with  justice  to  all. 

In  the  hope  of  stating  the  lines  that  will  best 
guide  us  in  their  right  solution  the  following  pro- 
nouncement is  issued  by  the  Administrative  Com- 
mittee of  the  National  Catholic  War  Council.  Its 
practical  applications  are  of  course  subject  to  dis- 
cussion, but  all  its  essential  declarations  are  based 
upon  the  principles  of  charity  and  justice  that  have 
always  been  held  and  taught  by  the  Catholic 
Church,  while  its  practical  proposals  are  merely  an 
adaptation  of  those  principles  and  that  traditional 
teaching  to  the  social  and  industrial  conditions  and 
needs  of  our  own  time. 


^  Peter  J.  Muldoon,  Chairman 
Bishop  of  Rockford 

^  Joseph  Schrembs 

Bishop  of  Toledo 

*^  Patrick  J.  Hayes 

Bishop  of  Tagaste 

*Jj^  Wn.LiAM  T.  Russemj 

Bishop  of  Charleston. 


LIHRARY 

l]MVEn:^rrY  of  caufoucOA 

bAiNl'A  BAuBAEA 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 


"Reconstruction"  has  of  late  been  so  tiresomely  reiterated, 
not  to  say  violently  abused,  that  it  has  become  to  many  of  us  a 
word  of  aversion.  Politicians,  social  students,  labor  leaders, 
business  men,  charity  workers,  clergymen  and  various  other  social 
groups  have  contributed  their  quota  of  spoken  words  and  printed 
pages  to  the  discussion  of  the  subject ;  yet  the  majority  of  us  still 
find  ourselves  rather  bewildered  and  helpless.  We  are  unable  to 
say  what  parts  of  our  social  system  imperatively  need  recon- 
struction; how  much  of  that  which  is  imperatively  necessary 
is  likely  to  be  seriously  undertaken ;  or  what  specific  methods  and 
measures  are  best  suited  to  realize  that  amount  of  reconstruction 
which  is  at  once  imperatively  necessary  and  immediately  feasible. 
Nevertheless  it  is  worth  while  to  review  briefly  some  of  the 
more  important  statements  and  proposals  that  have  been  made 
by  various  social  groups  and  classes.  Probably  the  most  notable 
declaration  from  a  Catholic  source  is  that  contained  in  a  pastoral 
letter,  written  by  Cardinal  Bourne  several  months  ago.  "It  is 
admitted  on  all  hands,"  he  says,  "that  a  new  order  of  things, 
new  social  conditions,  new  relations  between  the  different  sec- 
tions in  which  society  is  divided,  will  arise  as  a  consequence  of  the 
destruction  of  the  formerly  existing  conditions.  .  .  .  The  very 
foundations  of  political  and  social  life,  of  our  economic  system, 
of  morals  and  religion  are  being  sharply  scrutinized,  and  this  not 
only  by  a  few  writers  and  speakers,  but  by  a  very  large  number 
of  people  in  every  class  of  life,  especially  among  the  workers." 
The  Cardinal's  special  reference  to  the  action  of  labor  was 
undoubtedly  suggested  by  the  now  famous  "Social  Reconstruc- 
tion Program"  of  the  British  Labor  Party.    This  document  was 

drawn  up  about  one  year  ago,  and  is  generally  understood  to  be 
[  Second  Edition  ]  5 


6  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

the  work  of  the  noted  economist  and  Fabian  Socialist,  Mr.  Sidney 
Webb.  Unquestionably,  it  is  the  most  comprehensive  and  co- 
herent program  that  has  yet  appeared  on  the  industrial  phase 
of  reconstruction.  In  brief  it  sets  up  "four  pillars"  of  the  new 
social  order: 

(1)  The  enforcement  by  law  of  a  National  minimum  of 
leisure,  health,  education  and  subsistence; 

(2)  The  democratic  control  of  industry,  which  means  the 
nationalization  of  all  monopolistic  industries  and  pos- 
sibly of  other  industries,  sometime  in  the  future,  if  that 
course  be  found  advisable ; 

(3)  A  revolution  in  national  finance;  that  is,  a  system  of 
taxation  which  will  compel  capital  to  pay  for  the  war, 
leaving  undisturbed  the  national  minimum  of  welfare 
for  the  masses ; 

(4)  Use  of  the  surplus  wealth  of  the  nation  for  the  common 
good;  that  is,  to  provide  capital,  governmental  indus- 
tries, and  funds  for  social,  educational  and  artistic 
progress. 

This  program  may  properly  be  described  as  one  of  immediate 
radical  reforms,  leading  ultimately  to  complete  Socialism.  Evi- 
dently this  outcome  cannot  be  approved  by  Catholics. 


PROGRAM  OF  AMERICAN  LABOR 

Through  its  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  has  issued  a  lengthy  program  of  reform 
proposals  and  demands  which  may  be  grouped  under  the  three 
heads  of  trade  union  action,  labor  legislation  and  general  indus- 
trial and  social  legislation.  The  principal  demands  under  the 
first  head  are :  the  legally  guaranteed  rights  of  the  workers  to 
organize  and  to  carry  on  the  normal  activities  of  trade  unions; 
a  living  wage ;  no  reduction  in  present  scales  of  wages ;  the  right 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  7 

of  labor  to  fix  its  hours  of  work ;  the  eight-hour  day ;  equal  pay 
for  equal  work  by  the  two  sexes;  exclusive  reliance  by  labor  ou 
trade-union  effort  to  maintain  fair  wages;  establishment  of  co- 
operative stores;  and  no  organization  of  a  political  party  by  the 
workers.  Labor  laws  demanded  are:  prohibition  of  wage  work- 
ing by  children  under  sixteen  years  of  age;  abolition  of  private 
employment  agencies;  prohibition  of  all  immigration  for  two 
years ;  and  vocational  education  which  will  fit  the  young  for  life 
in  an  industrial  society.  By  implication  both  the  eight-hour  day 
and  the  living  wage  are  declared  to  be  subjects  for  trade  union 
action,  not  for  legislation.  Among  the  measures  of  general  social 
legislation  recommended  are:  a  special  tax  on  "usable  land"  not 
cultivated  by  the  owner,  and  taxes  on  land  values  which  would 
make  the  holding  of  idle  land  unprofitable ;  government  housing ; 
government  ownership  and  operation  of  docks,  wharves  and 
water  powers;  taxes  on  excess  profits,  incomes  and  inheritances; 
and  limitation  of  the  power  of  the  courts  to  declare  laws  uncon- 
stitutional. 

While  this  program  is  more  practical  and  more  moderate  and 
reasonable  than  that  of  the  British  Labor  Congress,  its  proposal 
for  taxing  land  into  use  could  easily  involve  confiscation.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  does  not  give  sufficient  consideration  to  the 
case  of  the  weaker  sections  of  the  working  class,  those  for  whom 
trade  union  action  is  not  practically  adequate;  nor  does  it  de- 
mand or  imply  that  the  workers  should  ever  aspire  to  become 
owners  as  well  as  users  of  the  instruments  of  production. 


BRITISH  QUAKER  EMPLOYERS 

Probably  the  most  definite  and  comprehensive  statement  from 
the  opposite  industrial  class  was  put  forth  several  months  ago  by 
a  group  of  twenty  Quaker  employers  in  Great  Britain.  In  out- 
line their  program  is  as  follows:  A  family  living  wage  for  all 
male  employees,  and  a  secondary  wage  in  excess  of  this  for 
workers  having  special  skill,  training,  physical  strength,  respon- 


8  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

sibility  for  human  life ;  the  right  of  labor  to  organize,  to  bargain 
collectively  with  the  employer  and  to  participate  in  the  indus- 
trial part  of  business  management;  serious  and  practical  meas- 
ures to  reduce  the  volume  and  hardship  of  unemployment; 
provisions  of  such  working  conditions  as  will  safeguard  health, 
physical  integrity  and  morals ;  the  reduction  so  far  as  practicable 
of  profits  and  interest  until  both  the  basic  and  the  secondary 
wage  has  been  paid,  and  transfer  to  the  community  of  the  greater 
part  of  surplus  profits. 

The  spirit  and  conception  of  responsibility  that  permeate 
every  item  of  the  program  are  reflected  in  this  statement :  ' '  We 
would  ask  all  employers  to  consider  very  carefully  whether  their 
style  of  living  and  personal  expenditure  are  restricted  to  what 
is  needed  in  order  to  insure  the  efficient  performance  of  iheir 
functions  in  society.  More  than  this  is  waste,  and  is,  moreover, 
a  great  cause  of  class  divisions. ' ' 


AMERICAN  EMPLOYERS 

The  only  formal  statements  on  the  subject  of  social  recon- 
struction that  have  yet  come  to  our  attention  from  an  important 
group  of  American  employers,  are  a  declaration  of  principles 
and  certain  proposals  by  the  National  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
The  declaration  of  principles  was  made  at  a  convention  of  the 
organization,  in  Atlantic  City,  December  6,  1918.  Beyond  a  gen- 
eral commendation  of  peaceful  and  friendly  relations  between 
employers  and  employees,  it  included  nothing  of  importance  on 
the  labor  phase  of  reconstruction.  It  condemned  government 
operation  and  ownership  of  railroads,  telegraphs  and  telephones, 
and  demanded  more  moderate  taxes  and  a  modification  of  the 
Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law.  More  recently  the  executive  officials 
of  the  Chamber  have  submitted  to  a  referendum  vote  of  its  mem- 
bership a  statement,  "with  a  view  to  furnishing  a  basis  on  which 
American  industry  can  build  a  national  labor  program."  The 
main  specific  proposals  in  this  statement  are :  recognition  of  the 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  9 

right  of  workers  to  organize;  adequate  representation  of  both 
parties  in  the  determination  of  employment  conditions ;  a  decent 
home  and  proper  social  conditions;  no  reduction  in  wages  until 
all  other  costs  of  production  have  been  brought  down  to  the 
lowest  possible  level;  and  a  system  of  national  employment 
offices.  Inasmuch  as  this  organization  represents  more  employers 
than  any  other  association  in  the  country,  the  vote  of  its  mem- 
bers on  these  proposals  will  be  of  the  greatest  significance. 

AN  INTERDENOMINATIONAL  STATEMENT 

In  Great  Britain  an  organization  known  as  the  Interdenom- 
inational Conference  of  Social  Service  Unions,  comprising  ten 
religious  bodies,  including  Catholics,  spent  more  than  a  year 
formulating  a  statement  of  Social  Reconstruction.  (See  the 
summary  and  analysis  contained  in  the  Catholic  Social  Year 
Book  for  1918.)  This  statement  deals  with  principles,  evils  and 
remedies.  Presuming  that  Christianity  provides  indispensable 
guiding  principles  and  powerful  motives  of  social  reform,  it  lays 
down  the  basic  proposition  that  every  human  being  is  of  in- 
estimable worth,  and  that  legislation  should  recognize  persons  as 
more  sacred  than  property,  therefore  the  State  should  enforce 
a  minimum  living  wage,  enable  the  worker  to  obtain  some  control 
of  industrial  conditions;  supplement  private  initiative  in  pro- 
viding decent  housing;  prevent  the  occurrence  of  unemployment ; 
safeguard  the  right  of  the  laborer  and  his  family  to  a  reasonable 
amount  of  rest  and  recreation ;  remove  those  industrial  and  social 
conditions  which  hinder  marriage  and  encourage  an  unnatural 
restriction  of  families,  and  afford  ample  opportunities  for  educa- 
tion of  all  children  industrially,  culturally,  religiously  and 
morally.  On  the  other  hand  rights  imply  duties,  and  the  indi- 
vidual is  obliged  to  respect  the  rights  of  others,  to  cultivate  self- 
control,  to  recognize  that  labor  is  the  law  of  life,  and  that  wealth 
is  a  trust.  Finally,  the  statement  points  out  that  all  social  reform 
must  take  as  its  end  and  guide  the  maintenance  of  pure  and 
wholesome  family  life. 


10  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

Such  in  barest  outline  are  the  main  propositions  and  prin- 
ciples of  this  remarkable  program.  The  text  contains  adequate 
exposition  of  the  development  and  application  of  all  these  points, 
and  concrete  specifications  of  the  methods  and  measures  by  which 
the  aims  and  principles  may  be  brought  into  effect.  In  the  latter 
respect  the  statement  is  not  liable  to  the  fatal  objection  that  is 
frequently  and  fairly  urged  against  the  reform  pronouncements 
of  religious  bodies:  that  they  are  abstract,  platitudinous  and 
usually  harmless.  The  statement  of  the  Interdenominational  Con- 
ference points  out  specific  remedies  for  the  evils  that  it  describes ; 
specific  measures,  legislative  and  other,  by  which  the  principles 
may  be  realized  in  actual  life.  Especially  practical  and  valuable 
for  Catholics  are  the  explanations  and  modifications  supplied  by 
the  Year  Book  of  the  Catholic  Social  Guild. 

NO  PROFOUND  CHANGES  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  as  many  or  as  great  social  changes 
will  take  place  in  the  United  States  as  in  Europe.  Neither  our 
habits  of  thinking  nor  our  ordinary  ways  of  life  have  undergone 
a  profound  disturbance.  The  hackneyed  phrase:  ** Things  will 
never  again  be  the  same  after  the  war,"  has  a  much  more  con- 
crete and  deeply  felt  meaning  among  the  European  peoples. 
Their  minds  are  fully  adjusted  to  the  conviction  and  expectation 
that  these  words  will  come  true.  In  the  second  place,  the  devas- 
tation, the  loss  of  capital  and  of  men,  the  changes  in  individual 
relations  and  the  increase  in  the  activities  of  government  have 
been  much  greater  in  Europe  than  in  the  United  States.  More- 
over, our  superior  natural  advantages  and  resources,  the  better 
industrial  and  social  condition  of  our  working  classes  still  consti- 
tute an  obstacle  to  anything  like  revolutionary  changes.  It  is 
significant  that  no  social  group  in  America,  not  even  among  the 
wage-earners,  has  produced  such  a  fundamental  and  radical  pro- 
gram of  reconstruction  as  the  Labor  Party  of  Great  Britain. 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  11 

A  PRACTICAL  AND  MODERATE  PROGRAM 

No  attempt  will  be  made  in  these  pages  to  formulate  a  com- 
prehensive scheme  of  reconstruction.  Such  an  undertaking 
would  be  a  waste  of  time  as  regards  immediate  needs  and  pur- 
poses, for  no  important  group  or  section  of  the  American  people 
is  ready  to  consider  a  program  of  this  magnitude.  Attention 
will  therefore  be  confined  to  those  reforms  that  seem  to  be  desir- 
able and  also  obtainable  within  a  reasonable  time,  and  to  a  few 
general  principles  which  should  become  a  guide  to  more  distant 
developments.  A  statement  thus  circumscribed  will  not  merely 
present  the  objects  that  we  wish  to  see  attained,  but  will  also 
serve  as  an  imperative  call  to  action.  It  will  keep  before  our 
minds  the  necessity  for  translating  our  faith  into  works.  In  the 
statements  of  immediate  proposals  we  shall  start,  wherever  possi- 
ble, from  those  governmental  agencies  and  legislative  measures 
which  have  been  to  some  extent  in  operation  during  the  war. 
These  come  before  us  with  the  prestige  of  experience  and  should 
therefore  receive  first  consideration  in  any  program  that  aims  to 
be  at  once  practical  and  persuasive. 

The  first  problem  in  the  process  of  reconstruction  is  the  in- 
dustrial replacement  of  the  discharged  soldiers  and  sailors.  The 
majority  of  these  will  undoubtedly  return  to  their  previous  occu- 
pations. However,  a  very  large  number  of  them  will  either  find 
their  previous  places  closed  to  them,  or  will  be  eager  to  consider 
the  possibility  of  more  attractive  employments.  The  most  impor- 
tant single  measure  for  meeting  this  situation  that  has  yet  been 
suggested  is  the  placement  of  such  men  on  farms.  Several  months 
ago  Secretary  Lane  recommended  to  Congress  that  returning 
soldiers  and  sailors  should  be  given  the  opportunity  to  work  at 
good  wages  upon  some  part  of  the  millions  upon  millions  of  acres 
of  arid,  swamp,  and  cut-over  timber  lands,  in  order  to  prepare 
them  for  cultivation.  President  Wilson  in  hisfinnual  address  to 
Congress  endorsed  the  proposal.  As  fast  as  this  preliminary  task 
has  been  performed,  the  men  should  be  assisted  by  government 
loans  to  establish  themselves  as  farmers,  either  as  owners  or  as 
tenants  having  long-time  leases.    It  is  essential  that  both  the  work 


12  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

of  preparation  and  the  subsequent  settlement  of  the  land  should 
be  effected  by  groups  or  colonies,  not  by  men  living  independently 
of  one  another  and  in  depressing  isolation.  A  plan  of  this  sort 
is  already  in  operation  in  England.  The  importance  of  the 
project  as  an  item  of  any  social  reform  program  is  obvious.  It 
would  afford  employment  to  thousands  upon  thousands,  would 
greatly  increase  the  number  of  farm  owners  and  independent 
farmers,  and  would  tend  to  lower  the  cost  of  living  by  increasing 
the  amount  of  agricultural  products.  If  it  is  to  assume  any  con- 
siderable proportions  it  must  be  carried  out  by  the  governments 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States.  Should  it  be 
undertaken  by  these  authorities  and  operated  on  a  systematic 
and  generous  scale,  it  would  easily  become  one  of  the  most  bene- 
ficial reform  measures  that  has  ever  been  attempted. 

UNITED  STATES  EMPLOYMENT  SERVICE 

The  reinstatement  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  in  urban  indus- 
tries will  no  doubt  be  facilitated  by  the  United  States  Employ- 
ment Service.  This  agency  has  attained  a  fair  degree  of  develop- 
ment and  efficiency  during  the  war.  Unfortunately  there  is  some 
danger  that  it  will  go  out  of  existence  or  be  greatly  weakened 
at  the  end  of  the  period  of  demobilization.  It  is  the  obvious  duty 
of  Congress  to  continue  and  strengthen  this  important  institu- 
tion. The  problem  of  unemployment  is  with  us  always.  Its 
solution  requires  the  co-operation  of  many  agencies,  and  the  use 
of  many  methods ;  but  the  primary  and  indispensable  instrument 
is  a  national  system  of  labor  exchanges,  acting  in  harmony  with 
State,  municipal,  and  private  employment  bureaus. 

WOMEN  WAR  WORKERS 

One  of  the  most  important  problems  of  readjustment  is  that 
created  by  the  presence  in  industry  of  immense  numbers  of 
women  who  have  taken  the  places  of  men  during  the  war.  Mere 
justice,  to  say  nothing  of  chivalry,  dictates  that  these  women 
should  not  be  compelled  to  suffer  any  greater  loss  or  incon- 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  13 

venience  than  is  absolutely  necessary;  for  their  services  to  the 
nation  have  been  second  only  to  the  services  of  the  men  whose 
places  they  vs^ere  called  upon  to  fill.  One  general  principle  is 
clear:  No  female  worker  should  remain  in  any  occupation  that 
is  harmful  to  health  or  morals,  "Women  should  disappear  as 
quickly  as  possible  from  such  tasks  as  conducting  and  guarding 
street  cars,  cleaning  locomotives,  and  a  great  number  of  other 
activities  for  which  conditions  of  life  and  their  physique  render 
them  unfit.  Another  general  principle  is  that  the  proportion  of 
women  in  industry  ought  to  be  kept  within  the  smallest  practical 
limits.  If  we  have  an  efficient  national  employment  service,  if  a 
goodly  number  of  the  returned  soldiers  and  sailors  are  placed 
on  the  land,  and  if  wages  and  the  demand  for  goods  are  kept 
up  to  the  level  which  is  easily  attainable,  all  female  workers  who 
are  displaced  from  tasks  that  they  have  been  performing  only 
since  the  beginning  of  the  war  will  be  able  to  find  suitable  em- 
ployments in  other  parts  of  the  industrial  field,  or  in  those 
domestic  occupations  which  sorely  need  their  presence.  Those 
women  who  are  engaged  at  the  same  tasks  as  men  should  receive 
equal  pay  for  equal  amounts  and  qualities  of  work. 

NATIONAL  WAR  LABOR  BOARD 

One  of  the  most  beneficial  governmental  organizations  of  the 
war  is  the  National  War  Labor  Board.  Upon  the  basis  of  a  few 
fundamental  principles,  unanimously  adopted  by  the  representa- 
tives of  labor,  capital,  and  the  public,  it  has  prevented  innumer- 
able strikes,  and  raised  wages  to  decent  levels  in  many  different 
industries  throughout  the  country.  Its  main  guiding  principles 
have  been  a  family  living  wage  for  all  male  adult  laborers ;  recog- 
nition of  the  right  of  labor  to  organize,  and  to  deal  with  em- 
ployers through  its  chosen  representatives;  and  no  coercion  of 
non-union  laborers  by  members  of  the  union.  The  War  Labor 
Board  ought  to  be  continued  in  existence  by  Congress,  and  en- 
dowed with  all  the  power  for  effective  action  that  it  can  possess 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.     The  principles,  methods,  ma- 


14.  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

chinery  and  results  of  this  institution  constitute  a  definite  and 
far-reaching  gain  for  social  justice.  No  part  of  this  advantage 
should  be  lost  or  given  up  in  time  of  peace. 

PRESENT  WAGE  RATES  SHOULD  BE  SUSTAINED 

The  general  level  of  wages  attained  during  the  war  should 
not  be  lowered.  In  a  few  industries,  especially  some  directly 
and  peculiarly  connected  with  the  carrying  on  of  war,  wages 
have  reached  a  plane  upon  which  they  cannot  possibly  continue 
for  this  grade  of  occupations.  But  the  number  of  workers  in 
this  situation  is  an  extremely  small  proportion  of  the  entire 
wage-earning  population.  The  overwhelming  majority  should 
not  be  compelled  or  suffered  to  undergo  any  reduction  in  their 
rates  of  remuneration,  for  two  reasons:  First,  because  the  ave- 
rage rate  of  pay  has  not  increased  faster  than  the  cost  of  living ; 
second,  because  a  considerable  majority  of  the  wage-earners  of 
the  United  States,  both  men  and  women,  were  not  receiving  liv- 
ing wages  when  prices  began  to  rise  in  1915.  In  that  year, 
according  to  Lauck  and  Sydenstricker,  whose  work  is  the  most 
comprehensive  on  the  subject,  four-fifth*  of  the  heads  of  families 
obtained  less  than  800  dollars,  while  two-thirds  of  the  female 
wage-earners  were  paid  less  than  400  dollars.  Even  if  the  prices 
of  goods  should  fall  to  the  level  on  which  they  were  in  1915— 
something  that  cannot  be  hoped  for  within  five  years — the  aver- 
age present  rates  of  wages  would  not  exceed  the  equivalent  of 
a  decent  livelihood  in  the  case  of  the  vast  majority.  The  excep- 
tional instances  to  the  contrary  are  practically  all  among  the 
skilled  workers.  Therefore,  wages  on  the  whole  should  not  be 
reduced  even  when  the  cost  of  living  recedes  from  its  present 
high  level. 

Even  if  the  great  majority  of  workers  were  now  in  receipt  of 
more  than  living  wages,  there  are  no  good  reasons  why  rates  of 
pay  should  be  lowered.  After  all,  a  living  wage  is  not  necessarily 
the  full  measure  of  justice.  All  the  Catholic  authorities  on  the 
subject  explicitly  declare  that  this  is  only  the  minimum  of  jus- 
tice.   In  a  country  as  rich  as  ours,  there  are  very  few  cases  in 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  15 

which  it  is  possible  to  prove  that  the  worker  would  be  getting 
more  than  that  to  which  he  has  a  right  if  he  were  paid  something 
in  excess  of  this  ethical  minimum.  Why  then,  should  we  assume 
that  this  is  the  normal  share  of  almost  the  whole  laboring  popula- 
tion? Since  our  industrial  resources  and  instrumentalities  are 
sufficient  to  provide  more  than  a  living  wage  for  a  very  large 
proportion  of  the  workers,  why  should  we  acquiesce  in  a  theory 
which  denies  them  this  measure  of  the  comforts  of  life  ?  Such  a 
policy  is  not  only  of  very  questionable  morality,  but  is  unsound 
economically.  The  large  demand  for  goods  which  is  created  and 
maintained  by  high  rates  of  wages  and  high  purchasing  power 
by  the  masses  is  the  surest  guarantee  of  a  continuous  and  general 
operation  of  industrial  establishments.  It  is  the  most  effective 
instrument  of  prosperity  for  labor  and  capital  alike.  The  prin- 
cipal beneficiaries  of  a  general  reduction  of  wages  would  be  the 
less  efficient  among  the  capitalists,  and  the  more  comfortable  sec- 
tions of  the  consumers.  The  wage-earners  would  lose  more  in 
remuneration  than  they  would  gain  from  whatever  fall  in  prices 
occurred  as  a  direct  result  of  the  fall  in  wages.  On  grounds  both 
of  justice  and  sound  economics,  we  should  give  our  hearty  sup- 
port to  all  legitimate  efforts  made  by  labor  to  resist  general  wage 
reductions. 

HOUSING  FOR  WORKING  CLASSES 

Housing  projects  for  war  workers  which  have  been  completed, 
or  almost  completed  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
have  cost  some  forty  million  dollars,  and  are  found  in  eleven 
cities.  While  the  Federal  Government  cannot  continue  this  work 
in  time  of  peace,  the  example  and  precedent  that  it  has  set,  and 
the  experience  and  knowledge  that  it  has  developed,  should  not 
be  forthwith  neglected  and  lost.  The  great  cities  in  which  con- 
gestion and  other  forms  of  bad  housing  are  disgracefully  appar- 
ent ought  to  take  up  and  continue  the  work,  at  least  to  such  an 
extent  as  will  remove  the  worst  features  of  a  social  condition 
that  is  a  menace  at  once  to  industrial  efficiency,  civic  health,  good 
morals  and  religion. 


le  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

REDUCTION  OF  THE  COST  OF  LIVING 

During  the  war  the  cost  of  living  has  risen  at  least  seventy- 
five  per  cent,  above  the  level  of  1913.  Some  check  has  been 
placed  upon  the  upward  trend  by  government  fixing  of  prices 
in  the  case  of  bread  and  coal,  and  a  few  other  commodities.  Even 
if  we  believe  it  desirable,  we  cannot  ask  that  the  Government 
continue  this  action  after  the  articles  of  peace  have  been  signed ; 
for  neither  public  opinion  nor  Congress  is  ready  for  such  a  revo- 
lutionary policy.  If  the  extortionate  practices  of  monopoly 
were  prevented  by  adequate  laws  and  adequate  law  enforcement, 
prices  would  automatically  be  kept  at  as  low  a  level  as  that  to 
which  they  might  be  brought  by  direct  government  determina- 
tion. Just  what  laws,  in  addition  to  those  already  on  the  statute 
books,  are  necessary  to  abolish  monopolistic  extortion  is  a  ques- 
tion of  detail  that  need  not  be  considered  here.  In  passing,  it 
may  be  noted  that  government  competition  with  monopolies  that 
cannot  be  effectively  restrained  by  the  ordinary  anti-trust  laws 
deserves  more  serious  consideration  than  it  has  yet  received. 

More  important  and  more  effective  than  any  government 
regulation  of  prices  would  be  the  establishment  of  co-operative 
stores.  The  enormous  toll  taken  from  industry  by  the  various 
classes  of  middlemen  is  now  fully  realized.  The  astonishing 
difference  between  the  price  received  by  the  producer  and  that 
paid  by  the  consumer  has  become  a  scandal  of  our  industrial 
system.  The  obvious  and  direct  means  of  reducing  this  discrep- 
ancy and  abolishing  unnecessary  middlemen  is  the  operation  of 
retail  and  wholesale  mercantile  concerns  under  the  ownership 
and  management  of  the  consumers.  This  is  no  Utopian  scheme. 
It  has  been  successfully  carried  out  in  England  and  Scotland 
through  the  Rochdale  system.  Very  few  serious  efforts  of  this 
kind  have  been  made  in  this  country  because  our  people  have 
not  felt  the  need  of  these  co-operative  enterprises  as  keenly  as 
the  European  working  classes,  and  because  we  have  been  too 
impatient  and  too  individualistic  to  make  the  necessary  sacrifices 
and  to  be  content  with  moderate  benefits  and  gradual  progress. 
Nevertheless,   our  superior  energy,   initiative   and   commercial 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  17 

capacity  will  enable  us,  once  we  set  about  the  task  earnestly,  even 
to  surpass  what  has  been  done  in  England  and  Scotland. 

In  addition  to  reducing  the  cost  of  living,  the  co-operative 
stores  would  train  our  working  people  and  consumers  generally 
in  habits  of  saving,  in  careful  expenditure,  in  business  methods, 
and  in  the  capacity  for  co-operation.  When  the  working  classes 
have  learned  to  make  the  sacrifices  and  to  exercise  the  patience 
required  by  the  ownership  and  operation  of  co-operative  stores, 
they  will  be  equipped  to  undertake  a  great  variety  of  tasks  and 
projects  which  benefit  the  community  immediately,  and  all  its 
constituent  members  ultimately.  They  will  then  realize  the  folly 
of  excessive  selfishness  and  senseless  individualism.  Until  they 
have  acquired  this  knowledge,  training  and  capacity,  desirable 
extensions  of  governmental  action  in  industry  will  not  be 
attended  by  a  normal  amount  of  success.  No  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment can  operate  automatically,  and  no  official  and  bureau- 
cratic administration  of  such  machinery  can  ever  be  a  substitute 
for  intelligent  interest  and  co-operation  by  the  individuals  of 
the  community. 

THE  LEGAL  MINIMUM  WAGE 

Turning  now  from  those  agencies  and  laws  that  have  been 
put  in  operation  during  the  war  to  the  general  subject  of  labor 
legislation  and  problems,  we  are  glad  to  note  that  there  is  no 
longer  any  serious  objection  urged  by  impartial  persons  against 
the  legal  minimum  wage.  The  several  States  should  enact  laws 
providing  for  the  establishment  of  wage  rates  that  will  be  at 
least  sufficient  for  the  decent  maintenance  of  a  family,  in  the 
case  of  all  male  adults,  and  adequate  to  the  decent  individual 
support  of  female  workers.  In  the  beginning  the  minimum  wages 
for  male  workers  should  suffice  ouiy  for  the  present  needs  of  the 
family,  but  they  should  be  gradually  raised  until  they  are  ade- 
quate to  future  needs  as  well.  That  is,  they  should  be  ultimately 
high  enough  to  make  possible  that  amount  of  saving  which  is 
necessary  to  protect  the  worker  and  his  family  against  sickness, 
accidents,  invalidity  and  old  age. 


18  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

SOCIAL  INSURANCE 

Until  this  level  of  legal  minimum  wages  is  reached  the  worker 
stands  in  need  of  the  device  of  insurance.  The  State  should 
make  comprehensive  provision  for  insurance  against  illness,  in- 
validity, unemployment,  and  old  age.  So  far  as  possible  the 
insurance  fund  should  be  raised  by  a  levy  on  industry,  as  is  now 
done  in  the  case  of  accident  compensation.  The  industry  in 
which  a  man  is  employed  should  provide  him  with  all  that  is 
necessary  to  meet  all  the  needs  of  his  entire  life.  Therefore,  any 
contribution  to  the  insurance  fund  from  the  general  revenues  of 
the  State  should  be  only  slight  and  temporary.  For  the  same 
reason  no  contribution  should  be  exacted  from  any  worker  who 
is  not  getting  a  higher  wage  than  is  required  to  meet  the  present 
needs  of  himself  and  family.  Those  who  are  below  that  level 
can  make  such  a  contribution  only  at  the  expense  of  their  present 
welfare.  Finally,  the  administration  of  the  insurance  laws 
should  be  such  as  to  interfere  as  little  as  possible  with  the  indi- 
vidual freedom  of  the  worker  and  his  family.  Any  insurance 
scheme,  or  any  administrative  method,  that  tends  to  separate  the 
workers  into  a  distinct  and  dependent  class,  that  offends  against 
their  domestic  privacy  and  independence,  or  that  threatens  indi- 
vidual self-reliance  and  self-respect,  should  not  be  tolerated.  The 
ideal  to  be  kept  in  mind  is  a  condition  in  which  all  the  workers 
would  themselves  have  the  income  and  the  responsibility  of  pro- 
viding for  all  the  needs  and  contingencies  of  life,  both  present 
and  future.  Hence  all  forms  of  State  insurance  should  be  re- 
garded as  merely  a  lesser  evil,  and  should  be  so  organized  and 
administered  as  to  hasten  the  coming  of  the  normal  condition. 

The  life  insurance  offered  to  soldiers  and  sailors  during  the 
war  should  be  continued,  so  far  as  the  enlisted  men  are  con- 
cerned. It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  time  has  yet  arrived 
when  public  opinion  would  sanction  the  extension  of  general  life 
insurance  by  the  Government  to  all  classes  of  the  community. 

The  establishment  and  maintenance  of  municipal  health  in- 
spection in  all  schools,  public  and  private,  is  now  pretty  generally 
recognized  as  of  great  importance  and  benefit.    Municipal  clinics 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  19 

where  the  poorer  classes  could  obtain  the  advantage  of  medical 
treatiBPnt  by  epecialiBtu  at  a  reasonable  cost  would  likewise  seem 
to  htve  b€Con3e  a  necessity.  A  vast  amount  of  unnecessary  sick- 
ness and  suffering  exists  among  the  poor  and  the  lower  middle 
classes  because  they  cannot  afford  the  advantages  of  any  other 
treatment  except  that  provided  by  the  general  practitioner. 
Every  effort  should  be  mads  to  supply  wage-earners  and  their 
families  witli  specialLzed  medical  care  through  development  of 
group  mediciiie.  Free  medical  care  should  be  given  only  to 
those  who  cannot  afford  to  pay. 

LABOR   PARTICIPATION    IN    INDUSTRIAL 
MANAGEMENT 

The  right  of  labor  to  organize  and  to  deal  with  employers 
through  representatives  has  been  asserted  above  in  connection 
with  the  discussion  of  the  War  Labor  Board.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  this  right  will  never  again  be  called  in  question  by  any 
considerable  number  of  employers.  In  addition  to  this,  labor 
ought  gradually  to  receive  greater  representation  in  what  the 
English  group  of  Quaker  employers  have  called  the  "incmstrial" 
part  of  business  management — "the  control  of  proceases  and  ma- 
chinery; nature  of  product;  engagement  and  dismissal  of  em- 
ployees; hours  of  work,  rates  of  pay,  bonuses,  etc.;  welfare  work; 
shop  discipline;  relations  with  trade  unions."  The  establish- 
ment of  shop  committees,  working  wherever  possible  with  the 
trade  union,  is  the  method  suggested  by  this  group  of  employers 
for  giving  the  employees  the  proper  share  of  industrial  manage- 
ment. There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  frank  adoption  of  these 
means  and  ends  by  employers  would  not  only  promote  the  wel- 
fare of  the  workers,  but  vastly  improve  the  relations  between 
them  and  their  employers,  and  increase  the  efficiency  and  pro- 
ductiveness of  each  establishment. 

There  is  no  need  here  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  safety 
and  sanitation  in  work  places,  as  this  is  pretty  generally  recog- 
nized by  legislation.  What  is  required  is  an.  extension  and 
strengthening  of  many  of  the  existing  statutes,  and  a  better  ad- 
ministration and  enforcement  of  such  laws  everywhere. 


20  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

VOCATIONAL  TRAINING 

The  need  of  industrial,  or  as  it  has  come  to  be  more  generally 
called,  vocational  training,  is  now  universally  acknowledged.  In 
the  interest  of  the  nation  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  workers  them- 
selves, this  training  should  be  made  substantially  universal. 
"While  we  cannot  now  discuss  the  subject  in  any  detail,  we  do 
wish  to  set  down  two  general  observations.  First,  the  vocational 
training  should  be  offered  in  such  forms  and  conditions  as  not 
to  deprive  the  children  of  the  working  classes  of  at  least  the 
elements  of  a  cultural  education.  A  healthy  democracy  cannot 
tolerate  a  purely  industrial  or  trade  education  for  any  class  of 
its  citizens.  "We  do  not  want  to  have  the  children  of  the  wage- 
earners  put  into  a  special  class  in  which  they  are  marked  as  out- 
side the  sphere  of  opportunities  for  culture.  The  second  observa- 
tion is  that  the  system  of  vocational  training  should  not  operate 
so  as  to  weaken  in  any  degree  our  parochial  schools  or  any  other 
class  of  private  schools.  Indeed,  the  opportunities  of  the  system 
should  be  extended  to  all  qualified  private  schools  on  exactly  the 
same  basis  as  to  public  schools.  We  want  neither  class  divisions 
in  education  nor  a  State  monopoly  of  education. 

CHILD  LABOR 

The  question  of  education  naturally  suggests  the  subject  of 
child  labor.  Public  opinion  in  the  majority  of  the  States  of  our 
country  has  set  its  face  inflexibly  against  the  continuous  employ- 
ment of  children  in  industry  before  the  age  of  sixteen  years. 
"Within  a  reasonably  short  time  all  of  our  States,  except  some 
stagnant  ones,  will  have  laws  providing  for  this  reasonable 
standard.  The  education  of  public  opinion  must  continue,  but 
inasmuch  as  the  process  is  slow,  the  abolition  of  child  labor  in 
certain  sections  seems  unlikely  to  be  brought  about  by  the  legisla- 
tures of  those  States,  and  since  the  Keating-Owen  Act  has  been 
declared  unconstitutional,  there  seems  to  be  no  device  by  which 
this  reproach  to  our  country  can  be  removed  except  that  of  tax- 
ing child  labor  out  of  existence.    This  method  is  embodied  in  an 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  21 

amendment  to  the  Federal  Revenue  Bill  which  would  impose  a 
tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  goods  made  by  children. 

SUFFICIENT  FOR  THE  PRESENT 

Probably  the  foregoing  proposals  comprise  everything  that 
is  likely  to  have  practical  value  in  a  program  of  immediate  social 
reconstruction  for  America.  Substantially  all  of  these  methods, 
laws  and  recommendations  have  been  recognized  in  principle  by 
the  United  States  during  the  war,  or  have  been  indorsed  by  im- 
portant social  and  industrial  groups  and  organizations.  There- 
fore, they  are  objects  that  we  can  set  before  the  people  with  good 
hope  of  obtaining  a  sympathetic  and  practical  response.  Were 
they  all  realized  a  great  step  would  have  been  taken  in  the  direc- 
tion of  social  justice.  When  they  are  all  put  into  operation  the 
way  will  be  easy  and  obvious  to  still  greater  and  more  beneficial 
result. 

ULTIMATE  AND   FUNDAMENTAL  REFORMS 

Despite  the  practical  and  immediate  character  of  the  present 
statement,  we  cannot  entirely  neglect  the  question  of  ultimate 
aims  and  a  systematic  program ;  for  other  groups  are  busy  issuing 
such  systematic  pronouncements,  and  we  all  need  scunething  of 
the  kind  as  a  philosophical  foundation  and  as  a  satisfaction  to 
our  natural  desire  for  comprehensive  statements. 

It  seems  clear  that  the  present  industrial  system  is  destined 
to  last  for  a  long  time  in  its  main  outlines.  That  is  to  say,  private 
ownership  of  capital  is  not  likely  to  be  supplanted  by  a  collec- 
tivist  organization  of  industry  at  a  date  sufficiently  near  to 
justify  any  present  action  based  on  the  hypothesis  of  its  arrival. 
This  forecast  we  recognize  as  not  only  extremely  probable,  but 
as  highly  desirable;  for,  other  objections  apart.  Socialism  would 
mean  bureaucracy,  political  tyranny,  the  helplessness  of  the  indi- 
vidual as  a  factor  in  the  ordering  of  his  own  life,  and  in  general 
social  inefficiency  and  decadence. 


22  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

MAIN  DEFECTS  OF  PRESENT  SYSTEM 

Nevertheless,  the  present  system  stands  in  grievous  need  of 
considerable  modifications  and  improvement.  Its  main  defects 
are  three :  Enormous  inefficiency  and  waste  in  the  production  and 
distribution  of  commodities;  insufficient  incomes  for  the  great 
majority  of  wage-earners,  and  unnecessarily  large  incomes  for 
a  small  minority  of  privileged  capitalists.  Inefficiency  in  the 
production  and  distribution  of  goods  would  be  in  great  measure 
abolished  by  the  reforms  that  have  been  outlined  in  the  foregoing 
pages.  Production  would  be  greatly  increased  by  universal  living 
wages,  by  adequate  industrial  education,  and  by  harmonious 
relations  between  labor  and  capital  on  the  basis  of  adequate  par- 
ticipation by  the  former  in  all  the  industrial  aspects  of  business 
management.  The  wastes  of  commodity  distribution  could  be 
practically  all  eliminated  by  co-operative  mercantile  establish- 
ments, and  co-operative  selling  and  marketing  associations. 

CO-OPERATION   AND    CO-PARTNERSHIP 

Nevertheless,  the  full  possibilities  of  increased  production 
will  not  be  realized  so  long  as  the  majority  of  the  workers  remain 
mere  wage-earners.  The  majority  must  somehow  become  owners, 
or  at  least  in  part,  of  the  instruments  of  production.  They  can 
be  enabled  to  reach  this  stage  gradually  through  co-operative 
productive  societies  and  co-partnership  arrangements.  In  the 
former,  the  workers  own  and  manage  the  industries  themselves: 
in  the  latter  they  own  a  substantial  part  of  the  corporate  stock 
and  exercise  a  reasonable  share  in  the  management.  However 
slow  the  attainments  of  these  ends,  they  will  have  to  be  reached 
before  we  can  have  a  thoroughly  efficient  system  of  production, 
or  an  industrial  and  social  order  that  will  be  secure  from  the 
danger  of  revolution.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  particular  modi- 
fication of  the  existing  order,  though  far-reaching  and  involving 
to  a  great  extent  the  abolition  of  the  wage  system,  would  not 
mean  the  abolition  of  private  ownership.  The  instruments  of 
production  would  still  be  owned  by  individuals,  not  by  the  State. 


SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  2S 

INCREASED  INCOMES  FOR  LABOR 

The  second  great  evil,  that  of  insufficient  income  for  the  ma- 
jority can  be  removed  only  by  providing  the  workers  with  more 
income.  This  means  not  only  universal  living  wages,  but  the 
opportunity  of  obtaining  something  more  than  that  amount  for 
all  who  are  willing  to  work  hard  and  faithfully.  All  the  other 
measures  for  labor  betterment  recommended  in  the  preceding 
pages  would  likewise  contribute  directly  or  indirectly  to  a  more 
just  distribution  of  wealth  in  the  interest  of  the  laborer. 

ABOLITION  AND  CONTROL  OF  MONOPOLIES 

For  the  third  evil  mentioned  above,  excessive  gains  by  a  small 
minority  of  privileged  capitalists,  the  main  remedies  are  preven- 
tion of  monopolistic  control  of  commodities,  adequate  govern- 
ment regulation  of  such  public  service  monopolies  as  will  remain 
under  private  operation,  and  heavy  taxation  of  incomes,  excess 
profits  and  inheritances.  The  precise  methods  by  which  genuine 
competition  may  be  restored  and  maintained  among  businesses 
that  are  naturally  competitive,  cannot  be  discussed  here ;  but  the 
principle  is  clear  that  human  beings  cannot  be  trusted  with  the 
immense  opportunities  for  oppression  and  extortion  that  go  with 
the  possession  of  monopoly  power.  That  the  owners  of  public 
service  monopolies  should  be  restricted  by  law  to  a  fair  or 
average  return  on  their  actual  investment,  has  long  been  a  recog- 
nized principle  of  the  courts,  the  legislatures,  and  public  opinion. 
It  is  a  principle  which  should  be  applied  to  competitive  enter- 
prises likewise,  with  the  qualification  that  something  more  than 
the  average  rate  of  return  should  be  allowed  to  men  who  exhibit 
exceptional  efficiency.  However,  good  public  policy,  as  well  as 
equity,  demands  that  these  exceptional  business  men  share  the 
fruits  of  their  efficiency  with  the  consumer  in  the  form  of  lower 
prices.  The  man  who  utilizes  his  ability  to  produce  cheaper 
than  his  competitors  for  the  purpose  of  exacting  from  the  pub- 
lic as  high  a  price  for  his  product  as  is  necessary  for  the  least 
efficient  business  man,  is  a  menace  rather  than  a  benefit  to  indus- 
try and  society. 


24  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

Our  immense  war  debt  constitutes  a  particular  reason  why 
incomes  and  excess  profits  should  continue  to  be  heavily  taxed. 
In  this  way  two  important  ends  will  be  attained :  the  poor  will 
be  relieved  of  injurious  tax  burdens,  and  the  small  class  of  spe- 
cially privileged  capitalists  will  be  compelled  to  return  a  part 
of  their  unearned  gains  to  society. 

A  NEW  SPIRIT  A  VITAL  NEED 

''Society,"  said  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "can  be  healed  in  no  other 
way  than  by  a  return  to  Christian  life  and  Christian  institu- 
tions. ' '  The  truth  of  these  words  is  more  widely  perceived  to-day 
than  when  they  were  written,  more  than  twenty-seven  years  ago. 
Changes  in  our  economic  and  political  systems  will  have  only 
partial  and  feeble  efficiency  if  they  be  not  reinforced  by  the 
Christian  view  of  work  and  wealth.  Neither  the  moderate  re- 
forms advocated  in  this  paper,  nor  any  other  program  of  better- 
ment or  reconstruction  will  prove  reasonably  eiSfective  without  a 
reform  in  the  spirit  of  both  labor  and  capital.  The  laborer  must 
come  to  realize  that  he  owes  his  employer  and  society  an  honest 
day 's  work  in  return  for  a  fair  wage,  and  that  conditions  cannot 
be  substantially  improved  until  he  roots  out  the  desire  to  get  a 
maximum  of  return  for  a  minimum  of  service.  The  capitalist 
must  likewise  get  a  new  viewpoint.  He  needs  to  learn  the  long- 
forgotten  truth  that  wealth  is  stewardship,  that  profit-making  is 
not  the  basic  justification  of  business  enterprise,  and  that  there 
are  such  things  as  fair  profits,  fair  interest  and  fair  prices. 
Above  and  before  all,  he  must  cultivate  and  strengthen  within 
his  mind  the  truth  which  many  of  his  clas.s  have  begun  to  grasp 
for  the  first  time  during  the  present  war ;  namely,  that  the  laborer 
is  a  human  being,  not  merely  an  instrument  of  production ;  and 
that  the  laborer's  right  to  a  decent  livelihood  is  the  first  moral 
charge  upon  industry.  The  employer  has  a  right  to  get  a  reason- 
able living  out  of  his  business,  but  he  has  no  right  to  interest  on 
his  investment  until  his  employees  have  obtained  at  least  living 
wages.  This  is  the  human  and  Christian,  in  contrast  to  the 
purely  commercial  and  pagan,  ethics  of  industry. 

If 


D 

V  3 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
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Series  9482 


